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Michael Dukakis, three-term governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts who served longer in that post than any other person in history, is best remembered by the country at large as the 1988 Democratic candidate for President in an election in which Ronald Reagan's vice president, George Herbert Walker Bush, effectively used "Swift Boat" tactics to undermine Dukakis' candidacy. "The Duke" was born Michael Stanley Dukakis on November 3, 1933 to Greek-immigrant parents in Brookline, Massachusetts (the birthplace of both John F. Kennedy and his 1988 Presidential opponent, Bush). Dukakis' father was a Harvard-educated physician and his mother was a Massachusetts schoolteacher. Dukakis' mother worked to eliminate first her native Greek accent and then her New England accent to remove imperfections from her speech pattern that might hinder her teaching ability. In a time and place where non-Anglo-Saxon ethnicity was looked down upon (including Irish Americans who emigrated to the U.S. with the ability to speak English and a knowledge of Anglo-Saxon politics) and even proved a hindrance to social mobility, the Dukakis family was committed to assimilation. Part of the bad rap against Dukakis that would cost him his first reelection campaign as governor and his bid for the White House was that he was too stiff and formal; yet, being brought up in an era and place in which overt displays of emotion were looked down upon by the ruling class of Boston Brahmins as being too "ethnic" (as well as betraying lower-caste origins), one can understand Dukakis' coolness and reserve as being an attempt not to be stereotyped by his social "betters". (His contemporary, three-term New York governor Mario Cuomo, said that when he entered law practice in the early 1950s, he was told to ditch his Italian name and rename himself something along the lines of "Mike Connors". Cuomo refused, though that type of ethnic cleansing was considered normal among upwardly mobile and socially ambitious "urban ethnics" of the time.) The class system in Boston was so strict before being shattered by John F. Kennedy's presidency that J.F.K's father, Joseph P. Kennedy, felt the need to relocate his family to New York City in the 1930s so that they would not grow up amidst anti-Irish prejudice. Despite the fact that he was one of the richest men in the country and his wife was the daughter of a Boston mayor, an Irish Catholic was beyond the pale, socially, to the Boston Brahmins, the brethren of the Cabot and Lodge families that dominated the self-proclaimed "Hub" of the universe. (A local ditty about Boston hailed the Hub as "...the land of the bean and the cod,/Where the Lodges speak only to the Cabots,/And the Cabots speak only to God".) In the Boy Scouts, the determinedly All-American Mike Dukakis made Eagle Scout, the group's highest achievement. After graduating from Swarthmore College in 1955, Dukakis served as an enlisted intelligence analyst in the U.S. Army. After completing his military service, Dukakis attended Harvard Law School, graduating in 1960. After serving in the General Court (Massachusetts legislature), Dukakis was elected governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1974, defeating the incumbent Republican governor, Francis W. Sargent. There would not be another Republican governor in the statehouse on Beacon Hill for 16 years. The Commonwealth at the time of Dukakis' election as governor was undergoing a fiscal crisis and the Republican Party was very unpopular as Watergate precipitated the fall of President Richard M. Nixon from office. Massachusetts was the only state that had been won in the electoral college by 1972 Presidential candidate George McGovern. Dukakis' victory was the result, partially, of his taking a pledge not to increase the state's sales tax to balance the state budget, but he reneged on the promise soon after taking office. During the great Blizzard of 1978, which shut down Boston and a good deal of the Commonwealth, "The Duke" went into local TV studios in a sweater to announce emergency bulletins. The coldness of his public persona in the midst of the crisis was likened to that of the weather itself, and hurt his popularity. Combined with a nation-wide and local backlash against property tax rates, and his reneging on his promise to not raise the sales tax, he lost to Edward J. King in the Democratic primary, as King capitalized on the issue of taxes. Following California's lead, the voters of the Commonwealth voted for Proposition 2 ½ that limited property tax rates to 2 ½% of the property's valuation. The Duke spent the years between his gubenatorial victories teaching at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard. Dukakis defeated King in in the Democratic primary in 1982, and easily defeated his Republican opponent to be reelected governor. (Fellow future Democratic Presidential nominee John Kerry was elected Lieutenant Governor on the same ballot with Dukakis, serving in the Dukakis administration from 1983 to 1985, when he won retiring U.S. Senator Paul Tsongas' seat.) The second term and the first years of Dukakis' third term as governor were very successful (he won re-election in 1986 with over 60% of the vote), during which time he presided over a booming economy fueled by the state's high-technology industry, second at the time only to that of California. A reform-minded technocrat, Dukakis was given credit for the "Massachusetts Miracle". (Part of the credit of which should be attributed to Masssachusetts Congressman Tip O'Neil, who had taken over J.F.K.'s old congressional district when Kennedy successfully moved up to the U.S. Senate, defeating Boston uber-Brahmin Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. in the process), who as the powerful Democratic Speaker of the House helped direct billions in defense spending to the Commonwealth). The National Governors Association voted Dukakis the most effective governor in 1986, positioning Dukakis for a bid for the presidency. Basing his candidacy as the architect of the "Massachusetts Miracle", Dukakis overcame the other contenders for the Democratic Party presidential nomination, a group dubbed the "Seven Dwarfs" by the media for their collective lack of stature or prominence on the national stage; Dukakis' own personal lack of stature -- he was only or 5' 8" tall -- also was the butt for satirists and naysayers. The success of the Dukakis' campaign was largely attributed to campaign manager John Sasso, who had originally worked for rival candidate Joseph Biden. (Having also managed the campaigns of Al Gore, Jr. and John Kerry, Sasso is now 0-3 in presidential election contests.) Dukakis came out of the Democratic convention with an overwhelming lead over Ronald Reagan's heir-apparent, Vice President George Bush, the Republican nominee, but would not or could not handle the dirty campaign tactics that were the stock-in-trade of all the Vice President's men, including gotchya guru Lee Atwater. While the Dukakis camp expected an attack on their candidate as a traditional liberal, they did not seem to be able to cope with the McCarthyite vitriol from the Bush camp, which sought to make the "L" word the equivalent of what communism had been in the early 1950s. Harking back to McCarthy, Bush had accused Dukakis during one of their televised debates as being a "card-carrying member of the American Civil Liberties Union," replacing "communist" with the A.C.L.U. (a variation of the "L"-word) and recycling an old charge from the '50s against liberals and "fellow travelers". During the vice presidential debate, Bush's Veep nominee, Dan Quayle actually attacked Dukakis for recommending that Midwestern farmers grow more remunerative cash crops such as Belgian endive rather than "good American corn and wheat". There was a surreal aspect to the attacks on Dukakis, an eclipse of reason as practiced by the Republican nominees that appealed to the primitive subconscious of reactionary voters. (A similar campaign would be used by candidate Bush's son, George W. Bush, in 2004 against Dukakis' former lieutenant governor, John Kerry. In 2004, in what would become known as "Swift Boating", a man who had campaigned for Kerry during his last Senate campaign, praising his military record, would attack him as a coward and a liar, this despite the fact that Kerry was a decorated war veteran and the younger Bush had had an undistinguished record of service in the National Guard during the Vietnam War.) Future Democratic Presidential candidate Bill Clinton (who had delivered the key-note address at the 1988 Democratic convention that nominated Dukakis), when confronted with the elder Bush's dirty tactics during the 1992 Presidential campaign, had fought back. When Bush pilloried his wife Hillary, Clinton shot back that "I'm not running for First Lady", thus touching on Bush's Achilles heel, the "Wimp Factor". However, in 1988, Dukakis would not fight back. He either was constitutionally unable to fight back, or thought it beneath his dignity to answer the smears and accusations. This may have been related to his family's assimilation: To go into the gutter would belie the dignity of gentility they sought as Americans. To fight dirt would dirt would be to court the appearance of being "too ethnic", as ethnics were constantly being accused of being less than the ideal WASP, in the past. The patrician Bush, who had been nicknamed "Poppy", was battling his own psychological demons during the '88 campaign, specifically, the intimation of latent homosexuality. The Wimp Factor had been addressed by a Newsweek cover story that revealed that Bush's father, Precott Bush, had sent him to work on a pig farm one summer to toughen him up and make him more masculine. This might be the genesis of Bush's relishing his street fighter persona, whether it was a put on or not. Issues the Bush campaign chose to highlight were Dukakis' veto of legislation requiring public school teachers to lead pupils in the Pledge of Allegiance and his opposition to capital punishment. If Dukakis had to rein himself in to avoid being portrayed as an emotional urban ethnic and appear more like the WASP mainstream, in fact, to our-WASP the WASP, Bush, the High WASP himself, joyously slung mud and went for the groin, posturing as a pork rind-eatin', NASCAR-watchin' regular guy instead of some high-toned sissy who was anethema to the "Joe Six-Pack" types who had bolstered Ronald Reagan's popularity. H.L. Mencken observed, "No one ever went broke underestimating the intelligence of the American people." In a contest for the great booby prize of the presidency, it behooved Bush to bash Dukakis and pitch himself to the "Great Boobouisie", as Mencken called the American people, as a fellow anti-intellectual slob. Desperate to become the Big Boob himself after serving the popular Boob-in-Chief Ronald Reagan, Bush made a faust-bargain, bartering his political soul to woo the Boobouisie and put his skinny fanny into the swivel chair in the Oval Office. It was all very surreal, but it laid the groundwork for getting his intellectually challenged son re-elected in 2004, by using tactics that strained credulity to the breaking point. As it had during the Big Blizzard, The Duke's stoical personality as projected to the voting public at large was interpreted as a lack of passion , which ran against the traditional stereotype of the Greek-American being fiery if not hot headed, an image that Dukakis, like his mother earlier, chose to expunge from his being. His opponents, touching on his reputation as a technocrat and superb administrator, and not above race-baiting, referred to him as "Zorba the Clerk." Nevertheless, Dukakis widely was perceived to have performed well in the first presidential debate with Bush, and his candidacy was buoyed by his running mate, Texas Senator Lloyd Bentsen, who was not afraid to take off the gloves. However, in the second debate, the runner stumbled; Dukakis had been suffering from the flu. Still, his performance was poor and played to his reputation as being cold, particularly his response to moderator Bernard Shaw's question, "Governor, if Kitty Dukakis [his wife] were raped and murdered, would you favor an irrevocable death penalty for the killer?" Projecting himself as a man of reason, Dukakis replied with no visible emotion, "No, I don't, and I think you know that I've opposed the death penalty during all of my life," and then explained his stance. Many observers felt Dukakis' answer lacked the normal emotions one would expect of a person discussing a loved one's rape and death. Many - including the candidate himself - believe that this, in part, cost Dukakis the election, as his poll numbers dropped from 49% to 42% nationally overnight. Other commentators thought the question itself was unfair, in that it injected an irrelevant emotional element into the discussion of a policy issue. H.L. Mencken, had he been alive, would have been alternately appalled and delighted: Appalled at the line of questioning, for sure, but delighted that it revealed that his Boobouisie was still alive and kickin', as he was not. Arguably the greatest issue of the campaign was that of race and crime, as articulated by the Bush camp in the prison furlough program issue. The "wedge issue" was framed by Lee Atwater, with the Bush camp running TV ads that criticized Dukakis for a prison furlough program that resulted in the release of convicted murderer Willie Horton, an African American, who committed a rape and assault in Maryland after fleeing Massachusetts. While it was Senator Al Gore during the Democratic primaries that was the first candidate to publicly raise the furlough issue and highlight the fact that a furloughed prisoner had broken into a house, raped a woman and beaten her husband, Gore never mentioned Horton by name or highlighted the fact that he black, as the TV ads did merely by running his picture. Race-baiting, and appealing to the basest instincts of the American voter, were stock-in-trade to George H.W. Bush. No liberal Rockefeller he. (As president, Bush became the first president to veto a civil rights bill. This, from a man who claimed to be the standard-bearer of the Grand Old Party of Abe Lincoln, which for almost 100 years had been the political haven of African Americans.) Despite the fact that the furlough program was started before Dukakis' gubernatorial administration and that the federal government under Reagan had a similar program that had resulted in similar outcomes, candidate Bush decided to play the race and crime card to boost his candidacy and establish his conservative credentials. Bush mentioned Horton by name in a speech in June 1988 while an "independent" political action committee (PAC) legally not affiliated with the Bush campaign, the National Security Political Action Committee, aired an ad entitled "Weekend Passes" which used a mug shot image of the African American Horton. The Bush campaign refused to repudiate it, and indeed, followed it up with its own, official campaign ad, "Revolving Door," criticizing Dukakis over the furlough program without mentioning Horton. (Twelve years later, Bush 43 similarly would refuse to repudidate the Swif Boat Veterans attack on Kerry.) The first Bush to be president also hammered on the patriotism theme (and unlike his son, an errant National Guard pilot during the Vietnam War, George H.W. Bush was an authentic war hero, serving honorably during the Second World War) to undermine Dukakis by portraying him as soft on defense. He highlighted Dukakis' opposition to the controversial "Star Wars" Space Defense Initiative program, which Pulitzer Prize-winner Frances Fitzgerald, in her book Way Out There in the Blue, claimed was a fantasy hatched in the increasingly unsound mind of President Reagan. In fact, Dukakis had promised to scale down S.D.I., not eliminate it. The response to this provocation lead to a public relations disaster when the Dukakis campaign engineered a photo-op at the General Dynamics plant in Michigan in September 1988, in which The Duke was photographed driving an M1 Abrams tank. Filmed wearing a helmet that seemed too large for his head, Dukakis looked awkward, out of place, and decidedly uncomfortable in such a military setting. Footage of Dukakis was used by the Bush campaign as evidence he would not make a good commander-in-chief, and "Dukakis in the tank" is still shorthand among political operatives for a disastrous public relations outing. That such photo-ops have little to do with the reality of a politician's competence, as George W. Bush's "Mission Accomplished" photo-op of 2003 shows (the mission having not been accomplished four years later), seems to elucidate the deterioration of American democracy, which has been eroded by politcos pandering to mass media, specifically television. The 1988 campaign arguably was the dirtiest since the 19th century until Bush's son ran for reelection against John Kerry in 2004. Dukakis lost the 1988 Presidential election and retired from active politics after his gubernatorial term expired in 1991. The "Massachusetts Miracle" expired during the lead up to the recession that gripped America during George H.W. Bush's administration, and The Duke's popularity withered as he was forced to significantly raise taxes. He did not run for a fourth term in 1990; controversial Boston University President John Silber, a social reactionary who was dubbed by Ronald Reagan as his "Favorite Democrat" won the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. Silber narrowly lost the general election to William Weld, ushering in nearly two decades of Republican governors in the heavily Democratic Commonwealth of Massachusetts. After the end of his term, Mike Dukakis served on the board of directors for Amtrak. Splitting his time between Boston and Los Angeles, California, he became a professor of political science at Boston's Northeastern University and a visiting professor of public policy at the University of California, Los Angeles. Dukakis has recently developed a strong passion for grassroots campaigning and the appointment of precinct captains to coordinate local campaigning activities, two strategies he feels are essential for the Democratic Party to compete effectively in both local and national elections. His policies have become gospel to Howard Dean, the head of the Democratic Central Committee. He also has taken a strong role in advocating for effective public transportation and high speed rail as a solution to automobile congestion and the lack of space at airports. |
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