About 'lincoln college england'|...like Ida Tarbell, Jack Reed, Lincoln Steffens, S.S. McClure... to elite, WASPy New England prep schools and colleges so as to join the ruling...
Ｍｉｃｈａｅｌ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ, ｔｈｒｅｅ-ｔｅｒｍ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｃｏｍｍｏｎｗｅａｌｔｈ ｏｆ Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ ｗｈｏ ｓｅｒｖｅｄ ｌｏｎｇｅｒ ｉｎ ｔｈａｔ ｐｏｓｔ ｔｈａｎ ａｎｙ ｏｔｈｅｒ ｐｅｒｓｏｎ ｉｎ ｈｉｓｔｏｒｙ, ｉｓ ｂｅｓｔ ｒｅｍｅｍｂｅｒｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ ａｔ ｌａｒｇｅ ａｓ ｔｈｅ 1988 Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ ｆｏｒ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ｉｎ ａｎ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｉｎ ｗｈｉｃｈ Ｒｏｎａｌｄ Ｒｅａｇａｎ'ｓ ｖｉｃｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ, Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｈｅｒｂｅｒｔ Ｗａｌｋｅｒ Ｂｕｓｈ, ｅｆｆｅｃｔｉｖｅｌｙ ｕｓｅｄ "Ｓｗｉｆｔ Ｂｏａｔ" ｔａｃｔｉｃｓ ｔｏ ｕｎｄｅｒｍｉｎｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｃａｎｄｉｄａｃｙ. "Ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋｅ" ｗａｓ ｂｏｒｎ Ｍｉｃｈａｅｌ Ｓｔａｎｌｅｙ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｏｎ Ｎｏｖｅｍｂｅｒ 3, 1933 ｔｏ Ｇｒｅｅｋ-ｉｍｍｉｇｒａｎｔ ｐａｒｅｎｔｓ ｉｎ Ｂｒｏｏｋｌｉｎｅ, Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ (ｔｈｅ ｂｉｒｔｈｐｌａｃｅ ｏｆ ｂｏｔｈ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｆ. Ｋｅｎｎｅｄｙ ａｎｄ ｈｉｓ 1988 Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｏｐｐｏｎｅｎｔ, Ｂｕｓｈ). Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｆａｔｈｅｒ ｗａｓ ａ Ｈａｒｖａｒｄ-ｅｄｕｃａｔｅｄ ｐｈｙｓｉｃｉａｎ ａｎｄ ｈｉｓ ｍｏｔｈｅｒ ｗａｓ ａ Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ ｓｃｈｏｏｌｔｅａｃｈｅｒ. Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｍｏｔｈｅｒ ｗｏｒｋｅｄ ｔｏ ｅｌｉｍｉｎａｔｅ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｈｅｒ ｎａｔｉｖｅ Ｇｒｅｅｋ ａｃｃｅｎｔ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅｎ ｈｅｒ Ｎｅｗ Ｅｎｇｌａｎｄ ａｃｃｅｎｔ ｔｏ ｒｅｍｏｖｅ ｉｍｐｅｒｆｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ ｆｒｏｍ ｈｅｒ ｓｐｅｅｃｈ ｐａｔｔｅｒｎ ｔｈａｔ ｍｉｇｈｔ ｈｉｎｄｅｒ ｈｅｒ ｔｅａｃｈｉｎｇ ａｂｉｌｉｔｙ. Ｉｎ ａ ｔｉｍｅ ａｎｄ ｐｌａｃｅ ｗｈｅｒｅ ｎｏｎ-Ａｎｇｌｏ-Ｓａｘｏｎ ｅｔｈｎｉｃｉｔｙ ｗａｓ ｌｏｏｋｅｄ ｄｏｗｎ ｕｐｏｎ (ｉｎｃｌｕｄｉｎｇ Ｉｒｉｓｈ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓ ｗｈｏ ｅｍｉｇｒａｔｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ Ｕ.Ｓ. ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ ａｂｉｌｉｔｙ ｔｏ ｓｐｅａｋ Ｅｎｇｌｉｓｈ ａｎｄ ａ ｋｎｏｗｌｅｄｇｅ ｏｆ Ａｎｇｌｏ-Ｓａｘｏｎ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ) ａｎｄ ｅｖｅｎ ｐｒｏｖｅｄ ａ ｈｉｎｄｒａｎｃｅ ｔｏ ｓｏｃｉａｌ ｍｏｂｉｌｉｔｙ, ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｆａｍｉｌｙ ｗａｓ ｃｏｍｍｉｔｔｅｄ ｔｏ ａｓｓｉｍｉｌａｔｉｏｎ. Ｐａｒｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｂａｄ ｒａｐ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｔｈａｔ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｃｏｓｔ ｈｉｍ ｈｉｓ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｒｅｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ａｓ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ａｎｄ ｈｉｓ ｂｉｄ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ Ｗｈｉｔｅ Ｈｏｕｓｅ ｗａｓ ｔｈａｔ ｈｅ ｗａｓ ｔｏｏ ｓｔｉｆｆ ａｎｄ ｆｏｒｍａｌ; ｙｅｔ, ｂｅｉｎｇ ｂｒｏｕｇｈｔ ｕｐ ｉｎ ａｎ ｅｒａ ａｎｄ ｐｌａｃｅ ｉｎ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｏｖｅｒｔ ｄｉｓｐｌａｙｓ ｏｆ ｅｍｏｔｉｏｎ ｗｅｒｅ ｌｏｏｋｅｄ ｄｏｗｎ ｕｐｏｎ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｒｕｌｉｎｇ ｃｌａｓｓ ｏｆ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ Ｂｒａｈｍｉｎｓ ａｓ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｔｏｏ "ｅｔｈｎｉｃ" (ａｓ ｗｅｌｌ ａｓ ｂｅｔｒａｙｉｎｇ ｌｏｗｅｒ-ｃａｓｔｅ ｏｒｉｇｉｎｓ), ｏｎｅ ｃａｎ ｕｎｄｅｒｓｔａｎｄ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｃｏｏｌｎｅｓｓ ａｎｄ ｒｅｓｅｒｖｅ ａｓ ｂｅｉｎｇ ａｎ ａｔｔｅｍｐｔ ｎｏｔ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｓｔｅｒｅｏｔｙｐｅｄ ｂｙ ｈｉｓ ｓｏｃｉａｌ "ｂｅｔｔｅｒｓ". (Ｈｉｓ ｃｏｎｔｅｍｐｏｒａｒｙ, ｔｈｒｅｅ-ｔｅｒｍ Ｎｅｗ Ｙｏｒｋ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ Ｍａｒｉｏ Ｃｕｏｍｏ, ｓａｉｄ ｔｈａｔ ｗｈｅｎ ｈｅ ｅｎｔｅｒｅｄ ｌａｗ ｐｒａｃｔｉｃｅ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｅａｒｌｙ 1950ｓ, ｈｅ ｗａｓ ｔｏｌｄ ｔｏ ｄｉｔｃｈ ｈｉｓ Ｉｔａｌｉａｎ ｎａｍｅ ａｎｄ ｒｅｎａｍｅ ｈｉｍｓｅｌｆ ｓｏｍｅｔｈｉｎｇ ａｌｏｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｌｉｎｅｓ ｏｆ "Ｍｉｋｅ Ｃｏｎｎｏｒｓ". Ｃｕｏｍｏ ｒｅｆｕｓｅｄ, ｔｈｏｕｇｈ ｔｈａｔ ｔｙｐｅ ｏｆ ｅｔｈｎｉｃ ｃｌｅａｎｓｉｎｇ ｗａｓ ｃｏｎｓｉｄｅｒｅｄ ｎｏｒｍａｌ ａｍｏｎｇ ｕｐｗａｒｄｌｙ ｍｏｂｉｌｅ ａｎｄ ｓｏｃｉａｌｌｙ ａｍｂｉｔｉｏｕｓ "ｕｒｂａｎ ｅｔｈｎｉｃｓ" ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｔｉｍｅ.) Ｔｈｅ ｃｌａｓｓ ｓｙｓｔｅｍ ｉｎ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ ｗａｓ ｓｏ ｓｔｒｉｃｔ ｂｅｆｏｒｅ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｓｈａｔｔｅｒｅｄ ｂｙ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｆ. Ｋｅｎｎｅｄｙ'ｓ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｃｙ ｔｈａｔ Ｊ.Ｆ.Ｋ'ｓ ｆａｔｈｅｒ, Ｊｏｓｅｐｈ Ｐ. Ｋｅｎｎｅｄｙ, ｆｅｌｔ ｔｈｅ ｎｅｅｄ ｔｏ ｒｅｌｏｃａｔｅ ｈｉｓ ｆａｍｉｌｙ ｔｏ Ｎｅｗ Ｙｏｒｋ Ｃｉｔｙ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ 1930ｓ ｓｏ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅｙ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｎｏｔ ｇｒｏｗ ｕｐ ａｍｉｄｓｔ ａｎｔｉ-Ｉｒｉｓｈ ｐｒｅｊｕｄｉｃｅ. Ｄｅｓｐｉｔｅ ｔｈｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ ｈｅ ｗａｓ ｏｎｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｒｉｃｈｅｓｔ ｍｅｎ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｕｎｔｒｙ ａｎｄ ｈｉｓ ｗｉｆｅ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｄａｕｇｈｔｅｒ ｏｆ ａ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ ｍａｙｏｒ, ａｎ Ｉｒｉｓｈ Ｃａｔｈｏｌｉｃ ｗａｓ ｂｅｙｏｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｐａｌｅ, ｓｏｃｉａｌｌｙ, ｔｏ ｔｈｅ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ Ｂｒａｈｍｉｎｓ, ｔｈｅ ｂｒｅｔｈｒｅｎ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｃａｂｏｔ ａｎｄ Ｌｏｄｇｅ ｆａｍｉｌｉｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ｄｏｍｉｎａｔｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｓｅｌｆ-ｐｒｏｃｌａｉｍｅｄ "Ｈｕｂ" ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｅ. (Ａ ｌｏｃａｌ ｄｉｔｔｙ ａｂｏｕｔ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ ｈａｉｌｅｄ ｔｈｅ Ｈｕｂ ａｓ "...ｔｈｅ ｌａｎｄ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｂｅａｎ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｄ,/Ｗｈｅｒｅ ｔｈｅ Ｌｏｄｇｅｓ ｓｐｅａｋ ｏｎｌｙ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ Ｃａｂｏｔｓ,/Ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ Ｃａｂｏｔｓ ｓｐｅａｋ ｏｎｌｙ ｔｏ Ｇｏｄ".) Ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｂｏｙ Ｓｃｏｕｔｓ, ｔｈｅ ｄｅｔｅｒｍｉｎｅｄｌｙ Ａｌｌ-Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ Ｍｉｋｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｍａｄｅ Ｅａｇｌｅ Ｓｃｏｕｔ, ｔｈｅ ｇｒｏｕｐ'ｓ ｈｉｇｈｅｓｔ ａｃｈｉｅｖｅｍｅｎｔ. Ａｆｔｅｒ ｇｒａｄｕａｔｉｎｇ ｆｒｏｍ Ｓｗａｒｔｈｍｏｒｅ Ｃｏｌｌｅｇｅ ｉｎ 1955, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｓｅｒｖｅｄ ａｓ ａｎ ｅｎｌｉｓｔｅｄ ｉｎｔｅｌｌｉｇｅｎｃｅ ａｎａｌｙｓｔ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｕ.Ｓ. Ａｒｍｙ. Ａｆｔｅｒ ｃｏｍｐｌｅｔｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ ｓｅｒｖｉｃｅ, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ａｔｔｅｎｄｅｄ Ｈａｒｖａｒｄ Ｌａｗ Ｓｃｈｏｏｌ, ｇｒａｄｕａｔｉｎｇ ｉｎ 1960. Ａｆｔｅｒ ｓｅｒｖｉｎｇ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｇｅｎｅｒａｌ Ｃｏｕｒｔ (Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ ｌｅｇｉｓｌａｔｕｒｅ), Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｗａｓ ｅｌｅｃｔｅｄ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｃｏｍｍｏｎｗｅａｌｔｈ ｏｆ Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ ｉｎ 1974, ｄｅｆｅａｔｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｉｎｃｕｍｂｅｎｔ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ, Ｆｒａｎｃｉｓ Ｗ. Ｓａｒｇｅｎｔ. Ｔｈｅｒｅ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｎｏｔ ｂｅ ａｎｏｔｈｅｒ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｅｈｏｕｓｅ ｏｎ Ｂｅａｃｏｎ Ｈｉｌｌ ｆｏｒ 16 ｙｅａｒｓ. Ｔｈｅ Ｃｏｍｍｏｎｗｅａｌｔｈ ａｔ ｔｈｅ ｔｉｍｅ ｏｆ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ａｓ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｗａｓ ｕｎｄｅｒｇｏｉｎｇ ａ ｆｉｓｃａｌ ｃｒｉｓｉｓ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ Ｐａｒｔｙ ｗａｓ ｖｅｒｙ ｕｎｐｏｐｕｌａｒ ａｓ Ｗａｔｅｒｇａｔｅ ｐｒｅｃｉｐｉｔａｔｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｆａｌｌ ｏｆ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ Ｒｉｃｈａｒｄ Ｍ. Ｎｉｘｏｎ ｆｒｏｍ ｏｆｆｉｃｅ. Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｏｎｌｙ ｓｔａｔｅ ｔｈａｔ ｈａｄ ｂｅｅｎ ｗｏｎ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｏｒａｌ ｃｏｌｌｅｇｅ ｂｙ 1972 Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ ＭｃＧｏｖｅｒｎ. Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｖｉｃｔｏｒｙ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｒｅｓｕｌｔ, ｐａｒｔｉａｌｌｙ, ｏｆ ｈｉｓ ｔａｋｉｎｇ ａ ｐｌｅｄｇｅ ｎｏｔ ｔｏ ｉｎｃｒｅａｓｅ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｅ'ｓ ｓａｌｅｓ ｔａｘ ｔｏ ｂａｌａｎｃｅ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｅ ｂｕｄｇｅｔ, ｂｕｔ ｈｅ ｒｅｎｅｇｅｄ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｏｍｉｓｅ ｓｏｏｎ ａｆｔｅｒ ｔａｋｉｎｇ ｏｆｆｉｃｅ. Ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｇｒｅａｔ Ｂｌｉｚｚａｒｄ ｏｆ 1978, ｗｈｉｃｈ ｓｈｕｔ ｄｏｗｎ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ ａｎｄ ａ ｇｏｏｄ ｄｅａｌ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｃｏｍｍｏｎｗｅａｌｔｈ, "Ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋｅ" ｗｅｎｔ ｉｎｔｏ ｌｏｃａｌ ＴＶ ｓｔｕｄｉｏｓ ｉｎ ａ ｓｗｅａｔｅｒ ｔｏ ａｎｎｏｕｎｃｅ ｅｍｅｒｇｅｎｃｙ ｂｕｌｌｅｔｉｎｓ. Ｔｈｅ ｃｏｌｄｎｅｓｓ ｏｆ ｈｉｓ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｐｅｒｓｏｎａ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｍｉｄｓｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｃｒｉｓｉｓ ｗａｓ ｌｉｋｅｎｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｈａｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｗｅａｔｈｅｒ ｉｔｓｅｌｆ, ａｎｄ ｈｕｒｔ ｈｉｓ ｐｏｐｕｌａｒｉｔｙ. Ｃｏｍｂｉｎｅｄ ｗｉｔｈ ａ ｎａｔｉｏｎ-ｗｉｄｅ ａｎｄ ｌｏｃａｌ ｂａｃｋｌａｓｈ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ ｐｒｏｐｅｒｔｙ ｔａｘ ｒａｔｅｓ, ａｎｄ ｈｉｓ ｒｅｎｅｇｉｎｇ ｏｎ ｈｉｓ ｐｒｏｍｉｓｅ ｔｏ ｎｏｔ ｒａｉｓｅ ｔｈｅ ｓａｌｅｓ ｔａｘ, ｈｅ ｌｏｓｔ ｔｏ Ｅｄｗａｒｄ Ｊ. Ｋｉｎｇ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｐｒｉｍａｒｙ, ａｓ Ｋｉｎｇ ｃａｐｉｔａｌｉｚｅｄ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｉｓｓｕｅ ｏｆ ｔａｘｅｓ. Ｆｏｌｌｏｗｉｎｇ Ｃａｌｉｆｏｒｎｉａ'ｓ ｌｅａｄ, ｔｈｅ ｖｏｔｅｒｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｃｏｍｍｏｎｗｅａｌｔｈ ｖｏｔｅｄ ｆｏｒ Ｐｒｏｐｏｓｉｔｉｏｎ 2 ½ ｔｈａｔ ｌｉｍｉｔｅｄ ｐｒｏｐｅｒｔｙ ｔａｘ ｒａｔｅｓ ｔｏ 2 ½% ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｏｐｅｒｔｙ'ｓ ｖａｌｕａｔｉｏｎ. Ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋｅ ｓｐｅｎｔ ｔｈｅ ｙｅａｒｓ ｂｅｔｗｅｅｎ ｈｉｓ ｇｕｂｅｎａｔｏｒｉａｌ ｖｉｃｔｏｒｉｅｓ ｔｅａｃｈｉｎｇ ａｔ ｔｈｅ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｆ. Ｋｅｎｎｅｄｙ Ｓｃｈｏｏｌ ｏｆ Ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ａｔ Ｈａｒｖａｒｄ. Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｄｅｆｅａｔｅｄ Ｋｉｎｇ ｉｎ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｐｒｉｍａｒｙ ｉｎ 1982, ａｎｄ ｅａｓｉｌｙ ｄｅｆｅａｔｅｄ ｈｉｓ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｏｐｐｏｎｅｎｔ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｒｅｅｌｅｃｔｅｄ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ. (Ｆｅｌｌｏｗ ｆｕｔｕｒｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｎｏｍｉｎｅｅ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｋｅｒｒｙ ｗａｓ ｅｌｅｃｔｅｄ Ｌｉｅｕｔｅｎａｎｔ Ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｓａｍｅ ｂａｌｌｏｔ ｗｉｔｈ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ, ｓｅｒｖｉｎｇ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ａｄｍｉｎｉｓｔｒａｔｉｏｎ ｆｒｏｍ 1983 ｔｏ 1985, ｗｈｅｎ ｈｅ ｗｏｎ ｒｅｔｉｒｉｎｇ Ｕ.Ｓ. Ｓｅｎａｔｏｒ Ｐａｕｌ Ｔｓｏｎｇａｓ' ｓｅａｔ.) Ｔｈｅ ｓｅｃｏｎｄ ｔｅｒｍ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｙｅａｒｓ ｏｆ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｔｈｉｒｄ ｔｅｒｍ ａｓ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｗｅｒｅ ｖｅｒｙ ｓｕｃｃｅｓｓｆｕｌ (ｈｅ ｗｏｎ ｒｅ-ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｉｎ 1986 ｗｉｔｈ ｏｖｅｒ 60% ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｖｏｔｅ), ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｔｉｍｅ ｈｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｄ ｏｖｅｒ ａ ｂｏｏｍｉｎｇ ｅｃｏｎｏｍｙ ｆｕｅｌｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｔｅ'ｓ ｈｉｇｈ-ｔｅｃｈｎｏｌｏｇｙ ｉｎｄｕｓｔｒｙ, ｓｅｃｏｎｄ ａｔ ｔｈｅ ｔｉｍｅ ｏｎｌｙ ｔｏ ｔｈａｔ ｏｆ Ｃａｌｉｆｏｒｎｉａ. Ａ ｒｅｆｏｒｍ-ｍｉｎｄｅｄ ｔｅｃｈｎｏｃｒａｔ, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｗａｓ ｇｉｖｅｎ ｃｒｅｄｉｔ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ "Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ Ｍｉｒａｃｌｅ". (Ｐａｒｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｃｒｅｄｉｔ ｏｆ ｗｈｉｃｈ ｓｈｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ａｔｔｒｉｂｕｔｅｄ ｔｏ Ｍａｓｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ Ｃｏｎｇｒｅｓｓｍａｎ Ｔｉｐ Ｏ'Ｎｅｉｌ, ｗｈｏ ｈａｄ ｔａｋｅｎ ｏｖｅｒ Ｊ.Ｆ.Ｋ.'ｓ ｏｌｄ ｃｏｎｇｒｅｓｓｉｏｎａｌ ｄｉｓｔｒｉｃｔ ｗｈｅｎ Ｋｅｎｎｅｄｙ ｓｕｃｃｅｓｓｆｕｌｌｙ ｍｏｖｅｄ ｕｐ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ Ｕ.Ｓ. Ｓｅｎａｔｅ, ｄｅｆｅａｔｉｎｇ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ ｕｂｅｒ-Ｂｒａｈｍｉｎ Ｈｅｎｒｙ Ｃａｂｏｔ Ｌｏｄｇｅ, Ｊｒ. ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｏｃｅｓｓ), ｗｈｏ ａｓ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｗｅｒｆｕｌ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ Ｓｐｅａｋｅｒ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｈｏｕｓｅ ｈｅｌｐｅｄ ｄｉｒｅｃｔ ｂｉｌｌｉｏｎｓ ｉｎ ｄｅｆｅｎｓｅ ｓｐｅｎｄｉｎｇ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ Ｃｏｍｍｏｎｗｅａｌｔｈ). Ｔｈｅ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒｓ Ａｓｓｏｃｉａｔｉｏｎ ｖｏｔｅｄ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｔｈｅ ｍｏｓｔ ｅｆｆｅｃｔｉｖｅ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ ｉｎ 1986, ｐｏｓｉｔｉｏｎｉｎｇ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｆｏｒ ａ ｂｉｄ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｃｙ. Ｂａｓｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｃｙ ａｓ ｔｈｅ ａｒｃｈｉｔｅｃｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ "Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ Ｍｉｒａｃｌｅ", Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｏｖｅｒｃａｍｅ ｔｈｅ ｏｔｈｅｒ ｃｏｎｔｅｎｄｅｒｓ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ Ｐａｒｔｙ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｎｏｍｉｎａｔｉｏｎ, ａ ｇｒｏｕｐ ｄｕｂｂｅｄ ｔｈｅ "Ｓｅｖｅｎ Ｄｗａｒｆｓ" ｂｙ ｔｈｅ ｍｅｄｉａ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｃｏｌｌｅｃｔｉｖｅ ｌａｃｋ ｏｆ ｓｔａｔｕｒｅ ｏｒ ｐｒｏｍｉｎｅｎｃｅ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ ｓｔａｇｅ; Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｏｗｎ ｐｅｒｓｏｎａｌ ｌａｃｋ ｏｆ ｓｔａｔｕｒｅ -- ｈｅ ｗａｓ ｏｎｌｙ ｏｒ 5' 8" ｔａｌｌ -- ａｌｓｏ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｂｕｔｔ ｆｏｒ ｓａｔｉｒｉｓｔｓ ａｎｄ ｎａｙｓａｙｅｒｓ. Ｔｈｅ ｓｕｃｃｅｓｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｗａｓ ｌａｒｇｅｌｙ ａｔｔｒｉｂｕｔｅｄ ｔｏ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｍａｎａｇｅｒ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｓａｓｓｏ, ｗｈｏ ｈａｄ ｏｒｉｇｉｎａｌｌｙ ｗｏｒｋｅｄ ｆｏｒ ｒｉｖａｌ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ Ｊｏｓｅｐｈ Ｂｉｄｅｎ. (Ｈａｖｉｎｇ ａｌｓｏ ｍａｎａｇｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎｓ ｏｆ Ａｌ Ｇｏｒｅ, Ｊｒ. ａｎｄ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｋｅｒｒｙ, Ｓａｓｓｏ ｉｓ ｎｏｗ 0-3 ｉｎ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｃｏｎｔｅｓｔｓ.) Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｃａｍｅ ｏｕｔ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｃｏｎｖｅｎｔｉｏｎ ｗｉｔｈ ａｎ ｏｖｅｒｗｈｅｌｍｉｎｇ ｌｅａｄ ｏｖｅｒ Ｒｏｎａｌｄ Ｒｅａｇａｎ'ｓ ｈｅｉｒ-ａｐｐａｒｅｎｔ, Ｖｉｃｅ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｂｕｓｈ, ｔｈｅ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｎｏｍｉｎｅｅ, ｂｕｔ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｎｏｔ ｏｒ ｃｏｕｌｄ ｎｏｔ ｈａｎｄｌｅ ｔｈｅ ｄｉｒｔｙ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｔａｃｔｉｃｓ ｔｈａｔ ｗｅｒｅ ｔｈｅ ｓｔｏｃｋ-ｉｎ-ｔｒａｄｅ ｏｆ ａｌｌ ｔｈｅ Ｖｉｃｅ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ'ｓ ｍｅｎ, ｉｎｃｌｕｄｉｎｇ ｇｏｔｃｈｙａ ｇｕｒｕ Ｌｅｅ Ａｔｗａｔｅｒ. Ｗｈｉｌｅ ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｃａｍｐ ｅｘｐｅｃｔｅｄ ａｎ ａｔｔａｃｋ ｏｎ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ ａｓ ａ ｔｒａｄｉｔｉｏｎａｌ ｌｉｂｅｒａｌ, ｔｈｅｙ ｄｉｄ ｎｏｔ ｓｅｅｍ ｔｏ ｂｅ ａｂｌｅ ｔｏ ｃｏｐｅ ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ ＭｃＣａｒｔｈｙｉｔｅ ｖｉｔｒｉｏｌ ｆｒｏｍ ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｃａｍｐ, ｗｈｉｃｈ ｓｏｕｇｈｔ ｔｏ ｍａｋｅ ｔｈｅ "Ｌ" ｗｏｒｄ ｔｈｅ ｅｑｕｉｖａｌｅｎｔ ｏｆ ｗｈａｔ ｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｓｍ ｈａｄ ｂｅｅｎ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｅａｒｌｙ 1950ｓ. Ｈａｒｋｉｎｇ ｂａｃｋ ｔｏ ＭｃＣａｒｔｈｙ, Ｂｕｓｈ ｈａｄ ａｃｃｕｓｅｄ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｏｎｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅｉｒ ｔｅｌｅｖｉｓｅｄ ｄｅｂａｔｅｓ ａｓ ｂｅｉｎｇ ａ "ｃａｒｄ-ｃａｒｒｙｉｎｇ ｍｅｍｂｅｒ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ Ｃｉｖｉｌ Ｌｉｂｅｒｔｉｅｓ Ｕｎｉｏｎ," ｒｅｐｌａｃｉｎｇ "ｃｏｍｍｕｎｉｓｔ" ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ Ａ.Ｃ.Ｌ.Ｕ. (ａ ｖａｒｉａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ "Ｌ"-ｗｏｒｄ) ａｎｄ ｒｅｃｙｃｌｉｎｇ ａｎ ｏｌｄ ｃｈａｒｇｅ ｆｒｏｍ ｔｈｅ '50ｓ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ ｌｉｂｅｒａｌｓ ａｎｄ "ｆｅｌｌｏｗ ｔｒａｖｅｌｅｒｓ". Ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｖｉｃｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｄｅｂａｔｅ, Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ Ｖｅｅｐ ｎｏｍｉｎｅｅ, Ｄａｎ Ｑｕａｙｌｅ ａｃｔｕａｌｌｙ ａｔｔａｃｋｅｄ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｆｏｒ ｒｅｃｏｍｍｅｎｄｉｎｇ ｔｈａｔ Ｍｉｄｗｅｓｔｅｒｎ ｆａｒｍｅｒｓ ｇｒｏｗ ｍｏｒｅ ｒｅｍｕｎｅｒａｔｉｖｅ ｃａｓｈ ｃｒｏｐｓ ｓｕｃｈ ａｓ Ｂｅｌｇｉａｎ ｅｎｄｉｖｅ ｒａｔｈｅｒ ｔｈａｎ "ｇｏｏｄ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｃｏｒｎ ａｎｄ ｗｈｅａｔ". Ｔｈｅｒｅ ｗａｓ ａ ｓｕｒｒｅａｌ ａｓｐｅｃｔ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ａｔｔａｃｋｓ ｏｎ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ, ａｎ ｅｃｌｉｐｓｅ ｏｆ ｒｅａｓｏｎ ａｓ ｐｒａｃｔｉｃｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｎｏｍｉｎｅｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ａｐｐｅａｌｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｉｍｉｔｉｖｅ ｓｕｂｃｏｎｓｃｉｏｕｓ ｏｆ ｒｅａｃｔｉｏｎａｒｙ ｖｏｔｅｒｓ. (Ａ ｓｉｍｉｌａｒ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ｕｓｅｄ ｂｙ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ ｓｏｎ, Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｗ. Ｂｕｓｈ, ｉｎ 2004 ａｇａｉｎｓｔ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｆｏｒｍｅｒ ｌｉｅｕｔｅｎａｎｔ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ, Ｊｏｈｎ Ｋｅｒｒｙ. Ｉｎ 2004, ｉｎ ｗｈａｔ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｂｅｃｏｍｅ ｋｎｏｗｎ ａｓ "Ｓｗｉｆｔ Ｂｏａｔｉｎｇ", ａ ｍａｎ ｗｈｏ ｈａｄ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎｅｄ ｆｏｒ Ｋｅｒｒｙ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｌａｓｔ Ｓｅｎａｔｅ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ, ｐｒａｉｓｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ ｒｅｃｏｒｄ, ｗｏｕｌｄ ａｔｔａｃｋ ｈｉｍ ａｓ ａ ｃｏｗａｒｄ ａｎｄ ａ ｌｉａｒ, ｔｈｉｓ ｄｅｓｐｉｔｅ ｔｈｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ Ｋｅｒｒｙ ｗａｓ ａ ｄｅｃｏｒａｔｅｄ ｗａｒ ｖｅｔｅｒａｎ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｙｏｕｎｇｅｒ Ｂｕｓｈ ｈａｄ ｈａｄ ａｎ ｕｎｄｉｓｔｉｎｇｕｉｓｈｅｄ ｒｅｃｏｒｄ ｏｆ ｓｅｒｖｉｃｅ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｇｕａｒｄ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ Ｖｉｅｔｎａｍ Ｗａｒ.) Ｆｕｔｕｒｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ Ｂｉｌｌ Ｃｌｉｎｔｏｎ (ｗｈｏ ｈａｄ ｄｅｌｉｖｅｒｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｋｅｙ-ｎｏｔｅ ａｄｄｒｅｓｓ ａｔ ｔｈｅ 1988 Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｃｏｎｖｅｎｔｉｏｎ ｔｈａｔ ｎｏｍｉｎａｔｅｄ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ), ｗｈｅｎ ｃｏｎｆｒｏｎｔｅｄ ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｄｅｒ Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ ｄｉｒｔｙ ｔａｃｔｉｃｓ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ 1992 Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ, ｈａｄ ｆｏｕｇｈｔ ｂａｃｋ. Ｗｈｅｎ Ｂｕｓｈ ｐｉｌｌｏｒｉｅｄ ｈｉｓ ｗｉｆｅ Ｈｉｌｌａｒｙ, Ｃｌｉｎｔｏｎ ｓｈｏｔ ｂａｃｋ ｔｈａｔ "Ｉ'ｍ ｎｏｔ ｒｕｎｎｉｎｇ ｆｏｒ Ｆｉｒｓｔ Ｌａｄｙ", ｔｈｕｓ ｔｏｕｃｈｉｎｇ ｏｎ Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ Ａｃｈｉｌｌｅｓ ｈｅｅｌ, ｔｈｅ "Ｗｉｍｐ Ｆａｃｔｏｒ". Ｈｏｗｅｖｅｒ, ｉｎ 1988, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｎｏｔ ｆｉｇｈｔ ｂａｃｋ. Ｈｅ ｅｉｔｈｅｒ ｗａｓ ｃｏｎｓｔｉｔｕｔｉｏｎａｌｌｙ ｕｎａｂｌｅ ｔｏ ｆｉｇｈｔ ｂａｃｋ, ｏｒ ｔｈｏｕｇｈｔ ｉｔ ｂｅｎｅａｔｈ ｈｉｓ ｄｉｇｎｉｔｙ ｔｏ ａｎｓｗｅｒ ｔｈｅ ｓｍｅａｒｓ ａｎｄ ａｃｃｕｓａｔｉｏｎｓ. Ｔｈｉｓ ｍａｙ ｈａｖｅ ｂｅｅｎ ｒｅｌａｔｅｄ ｔｏ ｈｉｓ ｆａｍｉｌｙ'ｓ ａｓｓｉｍｉｌａｔｉｏｎ: Ｔｏ ｇｏ ｉｎｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｇｕｔｔｅｒ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｂｅｌｉｅ ｔｈｅ ｄｉｇｎｉｔｙ ｏｆ ｇｅｎｔｉｌｉｔｙ ｔｈｅｙ ｓｏｕｇｈｔ ａｓ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓ. Ｔｏ ｆｉｇｈｔ ｄｉｒｔ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｄｉｒｔ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｂｅ ｔｏ ｃｏｕｒｔ ｔｈｅ ａｐｐｅａｒａｎｃｅ ｏｆ ｂｅｉｎｇ "ｔｏｏ ｅｔｈｎｉｃ", ａｓ ｅｔｈｎｉｃｓ ｗｅｒｅ ｃｏｎｓｔａｎｔｌｙ ｂｅｉｎｇ ａｃｃｕｓｅｄ ｏｆ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｌｅｓｓ ｔｈａｎ ｔｈｅ ｉｄｅａｌ ＷＡＳＰ, ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｐａｓｔ. Ｔｈｅ ｐａｔｒｉｃｉａｎ Ｂｕｓｈ, ｗｈｏ ｈａｄ ｂｅｅｎ ｎｉｃｋｎａｍｅｄ "Ｐｏｐｐｙ", ｗａｓ ｂａｔｔｌｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｏｗｎ ｐｓｙｃｈｏｌｏｇｉｃａｌ ｄｅｍｏｎｓ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ '88 ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ, ｓｐｅｃｉｆｉｃａｌｌｙ, ｔｈｅ ｉｎｔｉｍａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ ｌａｔｅｎｔ ｈｏｍｏｓｅｘｕａｌｉｔｙ. Ｔｈｅ Ｗｉｍｐ Ｆａｃｔｏｒ ｈａｄ ｂｅｅｎ ａｄｄｒｅｓｓｅｄ ｂｙ ａ Ｎｅｗｓｗｅｅｋ ｃｏｖｅｒ ｓｔｏｒｙ ｔｈａｔ ｒｅｖｅａｌｅｄ ｔｈａｔ Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ ｆａｔｈｅｒ, Ｐｒｅｃｏｔｔ Ｂｕｓｈ, ｈａｄ ｓｅｎｔ ｈｉｍ ｔｏ ｗｏｒｋ ｏｎ ａ ｐｉｇ ｆａｒｍ ｏｎｅ ｓｕｍｍｅｒ ｔｏ ｔｏｕｇｈｅｎ ｈｉｍ ｕｐ ａｎｄ ｍａｋｅ ｈｉｍ ｍｏｒｅ ｍａｓｃｕｌｉｎｅ. Ｔｈｉｓ ｍｉｇｈｔ ｂｅ ｔｈｅ ｇｅｎｅｓｉｓ ｏｆ Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ ｒｅｌｉｓｈｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｓｔｒｅｅｔ ｆｉｇｈｔｅｒ ｐｅｒｓｏｎａ, ｗｈｅｔｈｅｒ ｉｔ ｗａｓ ａ ｐｕｔ ｏｎ ｏｒ ｎｏｔ. Ｉｓｓｕｅｓ ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｃｈｏｓｅ ｔｏ ｈｉｇｈｌｉｇｈｔ ｗｅｒｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｖｅｔｏ ｏｆ ｌｅｇｉｓｌａｔｉｏｎ ｒｅｑｕｉｒｉｎｇ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｓｃｈｏｏｌ ｔｅａｃｈｅｒｓ ｔｏ ｌｅａｄ ｐｕｐｉｌｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｐｌｅｄｇｅ ｏｆ Ａｌｌｅｇｉａｎｃｅ ａｎｄ ｈｉｓ ｏｐｐｏｓｉｔｉｏｎ ｔｏ ｃａｐｉｔａｌ ｐｕｎｉｓｈｍｅｎｔ. Ｉｆ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｈａｄ ｔｏ ｒｅｉｎ ｈｉｍｓｅｌｆ ｉｎ ｔｏ ａｖｏｉｄ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｐｏｒｔｒａｙｅｄ ａｓ ａｎ ｅｍｏｔｉｏｎａｌ ｕｒｂａｎ ｅｔｈｎｉｃ ａｎｄ ａｐｐｅａｒ ｍｏｒｅ ｌｉｋｅ ｔｈｅ ＷＡＳＰ ｍａｉｎｓｔｒｅａｍ, ｉｎ ｆａｃｔ, ｔｏ ｏｕｒ-ＷＡＳＰ ｔｈｅ ＷＡＳＰ, Ｂｕｓｈ, ｔｈｅ Ｈｉｇｈ ＷＡＳＰ ｈｉｍｓｅｌｆ, ｊｏｙｏｕｓｌｙ ｓｌｕｎｇ ｍｕｄ ａｎｄ ｗｅｎｔ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｇｒｏｉｎ, ｐｏｓｔｕｒｉｎｇ ａｓ ａ ｐｏｒｋ ｒｉｎｄ-ｅａｔｉｎ', ＮＡＳＣＡＲ-ｗａｔｃｈｉｎ' ｒｅｇｕｌａｒ ｇｕｙ ｉｎｓｔｅａｄ ｏｆ ｓｏｍｅ ｈｉｇｈ-ｔｏｎｅｄ ｓｉｓｓｙ ｗｈｏ ｗａｓ ａｎｅｔｈｅｍａ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ "Ｊｏｅ Ｓｉｘ-Ｐａｃｋ" ｔｙｐｅｓ ｗｈｏ ｈａｄ ｂｏｌｓｔｅｒｅｄ Ｒｏｎａｌｄ Ｒｅａｇａｎ'ｓ ｐｏｐｕｌａｒｉｔｙ. Ｈ.Ｌ. Ｍｅｎｃｋｅｎ ｏｂｓｅｒｖｅｄ, "Ｎｏ ｏｎｅ ｅｖｅｒ ｗｅｎｔ ｂｒｏｋｅ ｕｎｄｅｒｅｓｔｉｍａｔｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｉｎｔｅｌｌｉｇｅｎｃｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｐｅｏｐｌｅ." Ｉｎ ａ ｃｏｎｔｅｓｔ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｇｒｅａｔ ｂｏｏｂｙ ｐｒｉｚｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｃｙ, ｉｔ ｂｅｈｏｏｖｅｄ Ｂｕｓｈ ｔｏ ｂａｓｈ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ａｎｄ ｐｉｔｃｈ ｈｉｍｓｅｌｆ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ "Ｇｒｅａｔ Ｂｏｏｂｏｕｉｓｉｅ", ａｓ Ｍｅｎｃｋｅｎ ｃａｌｌｅｄ ｔｈｅ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｐｅｏｐｌｅ, ａｓ ａ ｆｅｌｌｏｗ ａｎｔｉ-ｉｎｔｅｌｌｅｃｔｕａｌ ｓｌｏｂ. Ｄｅｓｐｅｒａｔｅ ｔｏ ｂｅｃｏｍｅ ｔｈｅ Ｂｉｇ Ｂｏｏｂ ｈｉｍｓｅｌｆ ａｆｔｅｒ ｓｅｒｖｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｐｕｌａｒ Ｂｏｏｂ-ｉｎ-Ｃｈｉｅｆ Ｒｏｎａｌｄ Ｒｅａｇａｎ, Ｂｕｓｈ ｍａｄｅ ａ ｆａｕｓｔ-ｂａｒｇａｉｎ, ｂａｒｔｅｒｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｓｏｕｌ ｔｏ ｗｏｏ ｔｈｅ Ｂｏｏｂｏｕｉｓｉｅ ａｎｄ ｐｕｔ ｈｉｓ ｓｋｉｎｎｙ ｆａｎｎｙ ｉｎｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｓｗｉｖｅｌ ｃｈａｉｒ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｏｖａｌ Ｏｆｆｉｃｅ. Ｉｔ ｗａｓ ａｌｌ ｖｅｒｙ ｓｕｒｒｅａｌ, ｂｕｔ ｉｔ ｌａｉｄ ｔｈｅ ｇｒｏｕｎｄｗｏｒｋ ｆｏｒ ｇｅｔｔｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｉｎｔｅｌｌｅｃｔｕａｌｌｙ ｃｈａｌｌｅｎｇｅｄ ｓｏｎ ｒｅ-ｅｌｅｃｔｅｄ ｉｎ 2004, ｂｙ ｕｓｉｎｇ ｔａｃｔｉｃｓ ｔｈａｔ ｓｔｒａｉｎｅｄ ｃｒｅｄｕｌｉｔｙ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｂｒｅａｋｉｎｇ ｐｏｉｎｔ. Ａｓ ｉｔ ｈａｄ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ Ｂｉｇ Ｂｌｉｚｚａｒｄ, Ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋｅ'ｓ ｓｔｏｉｃａｌ ｐｅｒｓｏｎａｌｉｔｙ ａｓ ｐｒｏｊｅｃｔｅｄ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｖｏｔｉｎｇ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ａｔ ｌａｒｇｅ ｗａｓ ｉｎｔｅｒｐｒｅｔｅｄ ａｓ ａ ｌａｃｋ ｏｆ ｐａｓｓｉｏｎ , ｗｈｉｃｈ ｒａｎ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ ｔｈｅ ｔｒａｄｉｔｉｏｎａｌ ｓｔｅｒｅｏｔｙｐｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｇｒｅｅｋ-Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｆｉｅｒｙ ｉｆ ｎｏｔ ｈｏｔ ｈｅａｄｅｄ, ａｎ ｉｍａｇｅ ｔｈａｔ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ, ｌｉｋｅ ｈｉｓ ｍｏｔｈｅｒ ｅａｒｌｉｅｒ, ｃｈｏｓｅ ｔｏ ｅｘｐｕｎｇｅ ｆｒｏｍ ｈｉｓ ｂｅｉｎｇ. Ｈｉｓ ｏｐｐｏｎｅｎｔｓ, ｔｏｕｃｈｉｎｇ ｏｎ ｈｉｓ ｒｅｐｕｔａｔｉｏｎ ａｓ ａ ｔｅｃｈｎｏｃｒａｔ ａｎｄ ｓｕｐｅｒｂ ａｄｍｉｎｉｓｔｒａｔｏｒ, ａｎｄ ｎｏｔ ａｂｏｖｅ ｒａｃｅ-ｂａｉｔｉｎｇ, ｒｅｆｅｒｒｅｄ ｔｏ ｈｉｍ ａｓ "Ｚｏｒｂａ ｔｈｅ Ｃｌｅｒｋ." Ｎｅｖｅｒｔｈｅｌｅｓｓ, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｗｉｄｅｌｙ ｗａｓ ｐｅｒｃｅｉｖｅｄ ｔｏ ｈａｖｅ ｐｅｒｆｏｒｍｅｄ ｗｅｌｌ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｄｅｂａｔｅ ｗｉｔｈ Ｂｕｓｈ, ａｎｄ ｈｉｓ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｃｙ ｗａｓ ｂｕｏｙｅｄ ｂｙ ｈｉｓ ｒｕｎｎｉｎｇ ｍａｔｅ, Ｔｅｘａｓ Ｓｅｎａｔｏｒ Ｌｌｏｙｄ Ｂｅｎｔｓｅｎ, ｗｈｏ ｗａｓ ｎｏｔ ａｆｒａｉｄ ｔｏ ｔａｋｅ ｏｆｆ ｔｈｅ ｇｌｏｖｅｓ. Ｈｏｗｅｖｅｒ, ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｓｅｃｏｎｄ ｄｅｂａｔｅ, ｔｈｅ ｒｕｎｎｅｒ ｓｔｕｍｂｌｅｄ; Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｈａｄ ｂｅｅｎ ｓｕｆｆｅｒｉｎｇ ｆｒｏｍ ｔｈｅ ｆｌｕ. Ｓｔｉｌｌ, ｈｉｓ ｐｅｒｆｏｒｍａｎｃｅ ｗａｓ ｐｏｏｒ ａｎｄ ｐｌａｙｅｄ ｔｏ ｈｉｓ ｒｅｐｕｔａｔｉｏｎ ａｓ ｂｅｉｎｇ ｃｏｌｄ, ｐａｒｔｉｃｕｌａｒｌｙ ｈｉｓ ｒｅｓｐｏｎｓｅ ｔｏ ｍｏｄｅｒａｔｏｒ Ｂｅｒｎａｒｄ Ｓｈａｗ'ｓ ｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎ, "Ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒ, ｉｆ Ｋｉｔｔｙ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ [ｈｉｓ ｗｉｆｅ] ｗｅｒｅ ｒａｐｅｄ ａｎｄ ｍｕｒｄｅｒｅｄ, ｗｏｕｌｄ ｙｏｕ ｆａｖｏｒ ａｎ ｉｒｒｅｖｏｃａｂｌｅ ｄｅａｔｈ ｐｅｎａｌｔｙ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ ｋｉｌｌｅｒ?" Ｐｒｏｊｅｃｔｉｎｇ ｈｉｍｓｅｌｆ ａｓ ａ ｍａｎ ｏｆ ｒｅａｓｏｎ, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｒｅｐｌｉｅｄ ｗｉｔｈ ｎｏ ｖｉｓｉｂｌｅ ｅｍｏｔｉｏｎ, "Ｎｏ, Ｉ ｄｏｎ'ｔ, ａｎｄ Ｉ ｔｈｉｎｋ ｙｏｕ ｋｎｏｗ ｔｈａｔ Ｉ'ｖｅ ｏｐｐｏｓｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｄｅａｔｈ ｐｅｎａｌｔｙ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ａｌｌ ｏｆ ｍｙ ｌｉｆｅ," ａｎｄ ｔｈｅｎ ｅｘｐｌａｉｎｅｄ ｈｉｓ ｓｔａｎｃｅ. Ｍａｎｙ ｏｂｓｅｒｖｅｒｓ ｆｅｌｔ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ａｎｓｗｅｒ ｌａｃｋｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｎｏｒｍａｌ ｅｍｏｔｉｏｎｓ ｏｎｅ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｅｘｐｅｃｔ ｏｆ ａ ｐｅｒｓｏｎ ｄｉｓｃｕｓｓｉｎｇ ａ ｌｏｖｅｄ ｏｎｅ'ｓ ｒａｐｅ ａｎｄ ｄｅａｔｈ. Ｍａｎｙ - ｉｎｃｌｕｄｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ ｈｉｍｓｅｌｆ - ｂｅｌｉｅｖｅ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｉｓ, ｉｎ ｐａｒｔ, ｃｏｓｔ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｔｈｅ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ, ａｓ ｈｉｓ ｐｏｌｌ ｎｕｍｂｅｒｓ ｄｒｏｐｐｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ 49% ｔｏ 42% ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌｌｙ ｏｖｅｒｎｉｇｈｔ. Ｏｔｈｅｒ ｃｏｍｍｅｎｔａｔｏｒｓ ｔｈｏｕｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎ ｉｔｓｅｌｆ ｗａｓ ｕｎｆａｉｒ, ｉｎ ｔｈａｔ ｉｔ ｉｎｊｅｃｔｅｄ ａｎ ｉｒｒｅｌｅｖａｎｔ ｅｍｏｔｉｏｎａｌ ｅｌｅｍｅｎｔ ｉｎｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｄｉｓｃｕｓｓｉｏｎ ｏｆ ａ ｐｏｌｉｃｙ ｉｓｓｕｅ. Ｈ.Ｌ. Ｍｅｎｃｋｅｎ, ｈａｄ ｈｅ ｂｅｅｎ ａｌｉｖｅ, ｗｏｕｌｄ ｈａｖｅ ｂｅｅｎ ａｌｔｅｒｎａｔｅｌｙ ａｐｐａｌｌｅｄ ａｎｄ ｄｅｌｉｇｈｔｅｄ: Ａｐｐａｌｌｅｄ ａｔ ｔｈｅ ｌｉｎｅ ｏｆ ｑｕｅｓｔｉｏｎｉｎｇ, ｆｏｒ ｓｕｒｅ, ｂｕｔ ｄｅｌｉｇｈｔｅｄ ｔｈａｔ ｉｔ ｒｅｖｅａｌｅｄ ｔｈａｔ ｈｉｓ Ｂｏｏｂｏｕｉｓｉｅ ｗａｓ ｓｔｉｌｌ ａｌｉｖｅ ａｎｄ ｋｉｃｋｉｎ', ａｓ ｈｅ ｗａｓ ｎｏｔ. Ａｒｇｕａｂｌｙ ｔｈｅ ｇｒｅａｔｅｓｔ ｉｓｓｕｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｗａｓ ｔｈａｔ ｏｆ ｒａｃｅ ａｎｄ ｃｒｉｍｅ, ａｓ ａｒｔｉｃｕｌａｔｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｃａｍｐ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｐｒｉｓｏｎ ｆｕｒｌｏｕｇｈ ｐｒｏｇｒａｍ ｉｓｓｕｅ. Ｔｈｅ "ｗｅｄｇｅ ｉｓｓｕｅ" ｗａｓ ｆｒａｍｅｄ ｂｙ Ｌｅｅ Ａｔｗａｔｅｒ, ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｃａｍｐ ｒｕｎｎｉｎｇ ＴＶ ａｄｓ ｔｈａｔ ｃｒｉｔｉｃｉｚｅｄ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｆｏｒ ａ ｐｒｉｓｏｎ ｆｕｒｌｏｕｇｈ ｐｒｏｇｒａｍ ｔｈａｔ ｒｅｓｕｌｔｅｄ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｒｅｌｅａｓｅ ｏｆ ｃｏｎｖｉｃｔｅｄ ｍｕｒｄｅｒｅｒ Ｗｉｌｌｉｅ Ｈｏｒｔｏｎ, ａｎ Ａｆｒｉｃａｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ, ｗｈｏ ｃｏｍｍｉｔｔｅｄ ａ ｒａｐｅ ａｎｄ ａｓｓａｕｌｔ ｉｎ Ｍａｒｙｌａｎｄ ａｆｔｅｒ ｆｌｅｅｉｎｇ Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ. Ｗｈｉｌｅ ｉｔ ｗａｓ Ｓｅｎａｔｏｒ Ａｌ Ｇｏｒｅ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｐｒｉｍａｒｉｅｓ ｔｈａｔ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ ｔｏ ｐｕｂｌｉｃｌｙ ｒａｉｓｅ ｔｈｅ ｆｕｒｌｏｕｇｈ ｉｓｓｕｅ ａｎｄ ｈｉｇｈｌｉｇｈｔ ｔｈｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ ａ ｆｕｒｌｏｕｇｈｅｄ ｐｒｉｓｏｎｅｒ ｈａｄ ｂｒｏｋｅｎ ｉｎｔｏ ａ ｈｏｕｓｅ, ｒａｐｅｄ ａ ｗｏｍａｎ ａｎｄ ｂｅａｔｅｎ ｈｅｒ ｈｕｓｂａｎｄ, Ｇｏｒｅ ｎｅｖｅｒ ｍｅｎｔｉｏｎｅｄ Ｈｏｒｔｏｎ ｂｙ ｎａｍｅ ｏｒ ｈｉｇｈｌｉｇｈｔｅｄ ｔｈｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ ｈｅ ｂｌａｃｋ, ａｓ ｔｈｅ ＴＶ ａｄｓ ｄｉｄ ｍｅｒｅｌｙ ｂｙ ｒｕｎｎｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｐｉｃｔｕｒｅ. Ｒａｃｅ-ｂａｉｔｉｎｇ, ａｎｄ ａｐｐｅａｌｉｎｇ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｂａｓｅｓｔ ｉｎｓｔｉｎｃｔｓ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｖｏｔｅｒ, ｗｅｒｅ ｓｔｏｃｋ-ｉｎ-ｔｒａｄｅ ｔｏ Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｈ.Ｗ. Ｂｕｓｈ. Ｎｏ ｌｉｂｅｒａｌ Ｒｏｃｋｅｆｅｌｌｅｒ ｈｅ. (Ａｓ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ, Ｂｕｓｈ ｂｅｃａｍｅ ｔｈｅ ｆｉｒｓｔ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ｔｏ ｖｅｔｏ ａ ｃｉｖｉｌ ｒｉｇｈｔｓ ｂｉｌｌ. Ｔｈｉｓ, ｆｒｏｍ ａ ｍａｎ ｗｈｏ ｃｌａｉｍｅｄ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｔｈｅ ｓｔａｎｄａｒｄ-ｂｅａｒｅｒ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｇｒａｎｄ Ｏｌｄ Ｐａｒｔｙ ｏｆ Ａｂｅ Ｌｉｎｃｏｌｎ, ｗｈｉｃｈ ｆｏｒ ａｌｍｏｓｔ 100 ｙｅａｒｓ ｈａｄ ｂｅｅｎ ｔｈｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｈａｖｅｎ ｏｆ Ａｆｒｉｃａｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎｓ.) Ｄｅｓｐｉｔｅ ｔｈｅ ｆａｃｔ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅ ｆｕｒｌｏｕｇｈ ｐｒｏｇｒａｍ ｗａｓ ｓｔａｒｔｅｄ ｂｅｆｏｒｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｇｕｂｅｒｎａｔｏｒｉａｌ ａｄｍｉｎｉｓｔｒａｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｔｈａｔ ｔｈｅ ｆｅｄｅｒａｌ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｍｅｎｔ ｕｎｄｅｒ Ｒｅａｇａｎ ｈａｄ ａ ｓｉｍｉｌａｒ ｐｒｏｇｒａｍ ｔｈａｔ ｈａｄ ｒｅｓｕｌｔｅｄ ｉｎ ｓｉｍｉｌａｒ ｏｕｔｃｏｍｅｓ, ｃａｎｄｉｄａｔｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｄｅｃｉｄｅｄ ｔｏ ｐｌａｙ ｔｈｅ ｒａｃｅ ａｎｄ ｃｒｉｍｅ ｃａｒｄ ｔｏ ｂｏｏｓｔ ｈｉｓ ｃａｎｄｉｄａｃｙ ａｎｄ ｅｓｔａｂｌｉｓｈ ｈｉｓ ｃｏｎｓｅｒｖａｔｉｖｅ ｃｒｅｄｅｎｔｉａｌｓ. Ｂｕｓｈ ｍｅｎｔｉｏｎｅｄ Ｈｏｒｔｏｎ ｂｙ ｎａｍｅ ｉｎ ａ ｓｐｅｅｃｈ ｉｎ Ｊｕｎｅ 1988 ｗｈｉｌｅ ａｎ "ｉｎｄｅｐｅｎｄｅｎｔ" ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ａｃｔｉｏｎ ｃｏｍｍｉｔｔｅｅ (ＰＡＣ) ｌｅｇａｌｌｙ ｎｏｔ ａｆｆｉｌｉａｔｅｄ ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ, ｔｈｅ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｓｅｃｕｒｉｔｙ Ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ Ａｃｔｉｏｎ Ｃｏｍｍｉｔｔｅｅ, ａｉｒｅｄ ａｎ ａｄ ｅｎｔｉｔｌｅｄ "Ｗｅｅｋｅｎｄ Ｐａｓｓｅｓ" ｗｈｉｃｈ ｕｓｅｄ ａ ｍｕｇ ｓｈｏｔ ｉｍａｇｅ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ａｆｒｉｃａｎ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ Ｈｏｒｔｏｎ. Ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｒｅｆｕｓｅｄ ｔｏ ｒｅｐｕｄｉａｔｅ ｉｔ, ａｎｄ ｉｎｄｅｅｄ, ｆｏｌｌｏｗｅｄ ｉｔ ｕｐ ｗｉｔｈ ｉｔｓ ｏｗｎ, ｏｆｆｉｃｉａｌ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ａｄ, "Ｒｅｖｏｌｖｉｎｇ Ｄｏｏｒ," ｃｒｉｔｉｃｉｚｉｎｇ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｏｖｅｒ ｔｈｅ ｆｕｒｌｏｕｇｈ ｐｒｏｇｒａｍ ｗｉｔｈｏｕｔ ｍｅｎｔｉｏｎｉｎｇ Ｈｏｒｔｏｎ. (Ｔｗｅｌｖｅ ｙｅａｒｓ ｌａｔｅｒ, Ｂｕｓｈ 43 ｓｉｍｉｌａｒｌｙ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｒｅｆｕｓｅ ｔｏ ｒｅｐｕｄｉｄａｔｅ ｔｈｅ Ｓｗｉｆ Ｂｏａｔ Ｖｅｔｅｒａｎｓ ａｔｔａｃｋ ｏｎ Ｋｅｒｒｙ.) Ｔｈｅ ｆｉｒｓｔ Ｂｕｓｈ ｔｏ ｂｅ ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ ａｌｓｏ ｈａｍｍｅｒｅｄ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｐａｔｒｉｏｔｉｓｍ ｔｈｅｍｅ (ａｎｄ ｕｎｌｉｋｅ ｈｉｓ ｓｏｎ, ａｎ ｅｒｒａｎｔ Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｇｕａｒｄ ｐｉｌｏｔ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ Ｖｉｅｔｎａｍ Ｗａｒ, Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｈ.Ｗ. Ｂｕｓｈ ｗａｓ ａｎ ａｕｔｈｅｎｔｉｃ ｗａｒ ｈｅｒｏ, ｓｅｒｖｉｎｇ ｈｏｎｏｒａｂｌｙ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ Ｓｅｃｏｎｄ Ｗｏｒｌｄ Ｗａｒ) ｔｏ ｕｎｄｅｒｍｉｎｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｂｙ ｐｏｒｔｒａｙｉｎｇ ｈｉｍ ａｓ ｓｏｆｔ ｏｎ ｄｅｆｅｎｓｅ. Ｈｅ ｈｉｇｈｌｉｇｈｔｅｄ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ' ｏｐｐｏｓｉｔｉｏｎ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｃｏｎｔｒｏｖｅｒｓｉａｌ "Ｓｔａｒ Ｗａｒｓ" Ｓｐａｃｅ Ｄｅｆｅｎｓｅ Ｉｎｉｔｉａｔｉｖｅ ｐｒｏｇｒａｍ, ｗｈｉｃｈ Ｐｕｌｉｔｚｅｒ Ｐｒｉｚｅ-ｗｉｎｎｅｒ Ｆｒａｎｃｅｓ Ｆｉｔｚｇｅｒａｌｄ, ｉｎ ｈｅｒ ｂｏｏｋ Ｗａｙ Ｏｕｔ Ｔｈｅｒｅ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ Ｂｌｕｅ, ｃｌａｉｍｅｄ ｗａｓ ａ ｆａｎｔａｓｙ ｈａｔｃｈｅｄ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｉｎｃｒｅａｓｉｎｇｌｙ ｕｎｓｏｕｎｄ ｍｉｎｄ ｏｆ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ Ｒｅａｇａｎ. Ｉｎ ｆａｃｔ, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｈａｄ ｐｒｏｍｉｓｅｄ ｔｏ ｓｃａｌｅ ｄｏｗｎ Ｓ.Ｄ.Ｉ., ｎｏｔ ｅｌｉｍｉｎａｔｅ ｉｔ. Ｔｈｅ ｒｅｓｐｏｎｓｅ ｔｏ ｔｈｉｓ ｐｒｏｖｏｃａｔｉｏｎ ｌｅａｄ ｔｏ ａ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｒｅｌａｔｉｏｎｓ ｄｉｓａｓｔｅｒ ｗｈｅｎ ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ｅｎｇｉｎｅｅｒｅｄ ａ ｐｈｏｔｏ-ｏｐ ａｔ ｔｈｅ Ｇｅｎｅｒａｌ Ｄｙｎａｍｉｃｓ ｐｌａｎｔ ｉｎ Ｍｉｃｈｉｇａｎ ｉｎ Ｓｅｐｔｅｍｂｅｒ 1988, ｉｎ ｗｈｉｃｈ Ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋｅ ｗａｓ ｐｈｏｔｏｇｒａｐｈｅｄ ｄｒｉｖｉｎｇ ａｎ Ｍ1 Ａｂｒａｍｓ ｔａｎｋ. Ｆｉｌｍｅｄ ｗｅａｒｉｎｇ ａ ｈｅｌｍｅｔ ｔｈａｔ ｓｅｅｍｅｄ ｔｏｏ ｌａｒｇｅ ｆｏｒ ｈｉｓ ｈｅａｄ, Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｌｏｏｋｅｄ ａｗｋｗａｒｄ, ｏｕｔ ｏｆ ｐｌａｃｅ, ａｎｄ ｄｅｃｉｄｅｄｌｙ ｕｎｃｏｍｆｏｒｔａｂｌｅ ｉｎ ｓｕｃｈ ａ ｍｉｌｉｔａｒｙ ｓｅｔｔｉｎｇ. Ｆｏｏｔａｇｅ ｏｆ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｗａｓ ｕｓｅｄ ｂｙ ｔｈｅ Ｂｕｓｈ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ａｓ ｅｖｉｄｅｎｃｅ ｈｅ ｗｏｕｌｄ ｎｏｔ ｍａｋｅ ａ ｇｏｏｄ ｃｏｍｍａｎｄｅｒ-ｉｎ-ｃｈｉｅｆ, ａｎｄ "Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｔａｎｋ" ｉｓ ｓｔｉｌｌ ｓｈｏｒｔｈａｎｄ ａｍｏｎｇ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｏｐｅｒａｔｉｖｅｓ ｆｏｒ ａ ｄｉｓａｓｔｒｏｕｓ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｒｅｌａｔｉｏｎｓ ｏｕｔｉｎｇ. Ｔｈａｔ ｓｕｃｈ ｐｈｏｔｏ-ｏｐｓ ｈａｖｅ ｌｉｔｔｌｅ ｔｏ ｄｏ ｗｉｔｈ ｔｈｅ ｒｅａｌｉｔｙ ｏｆ ａ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｉａｎ'ｓ ｃｏｍｐｅｔｅｎｃｅ, ａｓ Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｗ. Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ "Ｍｉｓｓｉｏｎ Ａｃｃｏｍｐｌｉｓｈｅｄ" ｐｈｏｔｏ-ｏｐ ｏｆ 2003 ｓｈｏｗｓ (ｔｈｅ ｍｉｓｓｉｏｎ ｈａｖｉｎｇ ｎｏｔ ｂｅｅｎ ａｃｃｏｍｐｌｉｓｈｅｄ ｆｏｕｒ ｙｅａｒｓ ｌａｔｅｒ), ｓｅｅｍｓ ｔｏ ｅｌｕｃｉｄａｔｅ ｔｈｅ ｄｅｔｅｒｉｏｒａｔｉｏｎ ｏｆ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａｎ ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｃｙ, ｗｈｉｃｈ ｈａｓ ｂｅｅｎ ｅｒｏｄｅｄ ｂｙ ｐｏｌｉｔｃｏｓ ｐａｎｄｅｒｉｎｇ ｔｏ ｍａｓｓ ｍｅｄｉａ, ｓｐｅｃｉｆｉｃａｌｌｙ ｔｅｌｅｖｉｓｉｏｎ. Ｔｈｅ 1988 ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎ ａｒｇｕａｂｌｙ ｗａｓ ｔｈｅ ｄｉｒｔｉｅｓｔ ｓｉｎｃｅ ｔｈｅ 19ｔｈ ｃｅｎｔｕｒｙ ｕｎｔｉｌ Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ ｓｏｎ ｒａｎ ｆｏｒ ｒｅｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ａｇａｉｎｓｔ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｋｅｒｒｙ ｉｎ 2004. Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｌｏｓｔ ｔｈｅ 1988 Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔｉａｌ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｒｅｔｉｒｅｄ ｆｒｏｍ ａｃｔｉｖｅ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓ ａｆｔｅｒ ｈｉｓ ｇｕｂｅｒｎａｔｏｒｉａｌ ｔｅｒｍ ｅｘｐｉｒｅｄ ｉｎ 1991. Ｔｈｅ "Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ Ｍｉｒａｃｌｅ" ｅｘｐｉｒｅｄ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ ｔｈｅ ｌｅａｄ ｕｐ ｔｏ ｔｈｅ ｒｅｃｅｓｓｉｏｎ ｔｈａｔ ｇｒｉｐｐｅｄ Ａｍｅｒｉｃａ ｄｕｒｉｎｇ Ｇｅｏｒｇｅ Ｈ.Ｗ. Ｂｕｓｈ'ｓ ａｄｍｉｎｉｓｔｒａｔｉｏｎ, ａｎｄ Ｔｈｅ Ｄｕｋｅ'ｓ ｐｏｐｕｌａｒｉｔｙ ｗｉｔｈｅｒｅｄ ａｓ ｈｅ ｗａｓ ｆｏｒｃｅｄ ｔｏ ｓｉｇｎｉｆｉｃａｎｔｌｙ ｒａｉｓｅ ｔａｘｅｓ. Ｈｅ ｄｉｄ ｎｏｔ ｒｕｎ ｆｏｒ ａ ｆｏｕｒｔｈ ｔｅｒｍ ｉｎ 1990; ｃｏｎｔｒｏｖｅｒｓｉａｌ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ Ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙ Ｐｒｅｓｉｄｅｎｔ Ｊｏｈｎ Ｓｉｌｂｅｒ, ａ ｓｏｃｉａｌ ｒｅａｃｔｉｏｎａｒｙ ｗｈｏ ｗａｓ ｄｕｂｂｅｄ ｂｙ Ｒｏｎａｌｄ Ｒｅａｇａｎ ａｓ ｈｉｓ "Ｆａｖｏｒｉｔｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔ" ｗｏｎ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ ｇｕｂｅｒｎａｔｏｒｉａｌ ｎｏｍｉｎａｔｉｏｎ. Ｓｉｌｂｅｒ ｎａｒｒｏｗｌｙ ｌｏｓｔ ｔｈｅ ｇｅｎｅｒａｌ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎ ｔｏ Ｗｉｌｌｉａｍ Ｗｅｌｄ, ｕｓｈｅｒｉｎｇ ｉｎ ｎｅａｒｌｙ ｔｗｏ ｄｅｃａｄｅｓ ｏｆ Ｒｅｐｕｂｌｉｃａｎ ｇｏｖｅｒｎｏｒｓ ｉｎ ｔｈｅ ｈｅａｖｉｌｙ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ Ｃｏｍｍｏｎｗｅａｌｔｈ ｏｆ Ｍａｓｓａｃｈｕｓｅｔｔｓ. Ａｆｔｅｒ ｔｈｅ ｅｎｄ ｏｆ ｈｉｓ ｔｅｒｍ, Ｍｉｋｅ Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｓｅｒｖｅｄ ｏｎ ｔｈｅ ｂｏａｒｄ ｏｆ ｄｉｒｅｃｔｏｒｓ ｆｏｒ Ａｍｔｒａｋ. Ｓｐｌｉｔｔｉｎｇ ｈｉｓ ｔｉｍｅ ｂｅｔｗｅｅｎ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ ａｎｄ Ｌｏｓ Ａｎｇｅｌｅｓ, Ｃａｌｉｆｏｒｎｉａ, ｈｅ ｂｅｃａｍｅ ａ ｐｒｏｆｅｓｓｏｒ ｏｆ ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃａｌ ｓｃｉｅｎｃｅ ａｔ Ｂｏｓｔｏｎ'ｓ Ｎｏｒｔｈｅａｓｔｅｒｎ Ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙ ａｎｄ ａ ｖｉｓｉｔｉｎｇ ｐｒｏｆｅｓｓｏｒ ｏｆ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｐｏｌｉｃｙ ａｔ ｔｈｅ Ｕｎｉｖｅｒｓｉｔｙ ｏｆ Ｃａｌｉｆｏｒｎｉａ, Ｌｏｓ Ａｎｇｅｌｅｓ. Ｄｕｋａｋｉｓ ｈａｓ ｒｅｃｅｎｔｌｙ ｄｅｖｅｌｏｐｅｄ ａ ｓｔｒｏｎｇ ｐａｓｓｉｏｎ ｆｏｒ ｇｒａｓｓｒｏｏｔｓ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎｉｎｇ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ａｐｐｏｉｎｔｍｅｎｔ ｏｆ ｐｒｅｃｉｎｃｔ ｃａｐｔａｉｎｓ ｔｏ ｃｏｏｒｄｉｎａｔｅ ｌｏｃａｌ ｃａｍｐａｉｇｎｉｎｇ ａｃｔｉｖｉｔｉｅｓ, ｔｗｏ ｓｔｒａｔｅｇｉｅｓ ｈｅ ｆｅｅｌｓ ａｒｅ ｅｓｓｅｎｔｉａｌ ｆｏｒ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ Ｐａｒｔｙ ｔｏ ｃｏｍｐｅｔｅ ｅｆｆｅｃｔｉｖｅｌｙ ｉｎ ｂｏｔｈ ｌｏｃａｌ ａｎｄ ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ ｅｌｅｃｔｉｏｎｓ. Ｈｉｓ ｐｏｌｉｃｉｅｓ ｈａｖｅ ｂｅｃｏｍｅ ｇｏｓｐｅｌ ｔｏ Ｈｏｗａｒｄ Ｄｅａｎ, ｔｈｅ ｈｅａｄ ｏｆ ｔｈｅ Ｄｅｍｏｃｒａｔｉｃ Ｃｅｎｔｒａｌ Ｃｏｍｍｉｔｔｅｅ. Ｈｅ ａｌｓｏ ｈａｓ ｔａｋｅｎ ａ ｓｔｒｏｎｇ ｒｏｌｅ ｉｎ ａｄｖｏｃａｔｉｎｇ ｆｏｒ ｅｆｆｅｃｔｉｖｅ ｐｕｂｌｉｃ ｔｒａｎｓｐｏｒｔａｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｈｉｇｈ ｓｐｅｅｄ ｒａｉｌ ａｓ ａ ｓｏｌｕｔｉｏｎ ｔｏ ａｕｔｏｍｏｂｉｌｅ ｃｏｎｇｅｓｔｉｏｎ ａｎｄ ｔｈｅ ｌａｃｋ ｏｆ ｓｐａｃｅ ａｔ ａｉｒｐｏｒｔｓ. |
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